Jul 31

THE BREECH-LOADING RIFLE
From 1857 breech-loading rifles began to appear experimentally in the British Army. These, the first military breechloaders since the Ferguson rifle, were in fact all carbines and were issued for trial to certain cavalry regiments. There were four different patterns: the Terry and the Westley Richards, which were of British design, and the Sharps And the Greene, which were American.
The Terry carbine was made by the firm of Callisher & Terry of Birmingham and 28 Norfolk Street, London. It was a new firm, for it was only established in 1855, and the mechanism invented by the junior partner was patented in 1856. It is of particular interest in that it introduced into the British Army the bolt action, which was later to become almost universal for non-automatic military rifles. The Terry bolt had a coned head which fitted into the correspondingly shaped rear end of the chamber. The bolt was opened by a hinged handle, fitted at its rear end, which was pulled, outwards to withdraw it. When the bolt was closed part of the handle filled up the loading aperture. The bolt was held in position by rear locking lugs (foreshadowing later British practice) which bore against shoulders on the standing breech.
The Terry was of the type known as a ‘capping breechloader’. That is to say, the cartridge used with it contained only the charge of powder and the bullet, the detonating mixture being contained in a separate percussion cap. The Terry cartridge was made of nitrated paper and had a wad of greased felt behind the powder charge and attached to the base. After the discharge of the cartridge this wad remained in the breech and the following round was loaded behind it. After the next shot it was thrust forward in front of the bullet, cleaning and greasing the barrel.
The Terry carbine was a very successful weapon. It was purchased extensively by the Confederacy during the American Civil war and was known as the ‘door bolt’ breech-loader. The famous Confederate cavalry leader General Jeb Stuart had one.
The American Sharps carbine was a much earlier design, having been invented by Christian Sharps in 1848. Its most noteworthy .feature was a ‘falling’ breech block. This opened vertically when actuated by a trigger guard, hinged to move forwards and downwards; but it also fell open when the carbine was held muzzle down. The cartridge case was made of treated linen; and the breech block had a sharp forward edge which, as the block was closed, sliced off the end of this case to expose the powder. The linen was consumed on the explosion of the charge. The first models had separate percussion caps, but the later ones, including those supplied to the British Government, were fitted with the Maynard tape primer, which was rather similar to the strip of caps made for toy pistols, and which  was invented by an American dentist. (It almost seems as if Maynard was more interested in ammunition than he was in teeth, for in 1856 he patented a metallic cartridge with an expanding case.)
The Sharps carbine had an interesting, if somewhat disreputable, history in the years before the outbreak of the American Civil war. The admission of Kansas as a State of the Union was the occasion of a bitter struggle between those who wished to see slave labour introduced and those who were opposed to it. In Massachusetts the New England Emigrant Aid Company was formed to send settlers to Kansas who were opposed to slavery. Many of these were established in the Kansas town of Lawrence, and here armed clashes occurred with slave-state supporters from Missouri. Considerable damage was done in Lawrence both to the homes of the settlers and the public buildings. In revenge the famous, or infamous, John Brown (depending on one’s point of view), in company with a small body of settlers and four of his own sons, seized five of the principal advocates of the slavery movement and killed them. The New England Emigrant Aid Company had supplied the settlers with Sharps carbines-, and a further twenty-five were presented on behalf of the Congregational Church of Plymouth, Massachusetts, by its minister, the Reverend Henry Ward Beecher. From this latter source of supply the Sharps carbines acquired the colloquial name of `Beecher’s Bibles’.
In 1859 John Brown, in command of a motley detachment of eighteen men, including his sons, his brother-in-law and six negroes, seized the Federal Arsenal at Harper’s Ferry, Virginia. Armed with Beecher’s Bibles they then held off attacks by the local militia, until finally forced to surrender by Colonel Robert E. Lee in command of a small force of Marines. John Brown was hanged, but his name has been immortalized in a great Union song which has become one of the most rousing military marches of all time. The far greater man who captured him was to become the brilliant leader in the field of the forces which John Brown had opposed. In the meantime, amongst the relics of this episode is a Sharps ‘Beecher’s Bible’ carbine on which is engraved the name ‘John Brown Jr. .
The Greene, the other American carbine, had an entirely fixed breech and a barrel which rotated and moved forward for loading. The breech and the barrel’were locked’ together by lugs. The principle was not a new one, and the Greene does not seem to have been favourably received; for although 2000 were bought it appears that many were never issued.
The Westley Richards carbine was made by the famous-firm, the early history of which has already been given. As stated in Chapter X111, Westley Richards succeeded his father in 1855, and the name of the firm became Westley Richards & Company. Three years later he patented his capping breech-loader carbine. The mechanism of this, though rather complicated, was the most efficient of the four carbines. The breech was opened and closed by means of a long arm, the forward part of which was hinged to the rear of the barrel. When the breech was closed the rear end of the arm rested in a recess cut along the top of the small of the butt. Raising the arm vertically opened the breech. Attached to the under part of this arm was an elongated plunger, at the forward end of which was a brass breech plug. When closed, the rear end of the plunger butted against an iron shoe, which held it in position against the breech pressure. The plunger had a little free movement ‘fore and aft’ on the arm to ease the action of opening and closing. From its distinctive arm the Westley Richards acquire the nickname of ‘Monkey-Tail’. The cartridge was the same as that used with-the Terry carbine.
The Westley Richards was far the most successful of the four carbines under trial, and in 1861 it was approved as the firearm for the cavalry of the Army. Even when n the Snider was approved for all arms of the Regular Army, it was not entirely displaced; for it was issued to the Yeomanry and was the ‘Standard carbine of the second-line cavalry for many’ years. Abroad the Portuguese Government took a fancy to it and adopted it for use in the army.
Although the cavalry now had a breech-loading rifled firearm, the rest of the Army was equipped with the muzzle-loading Enfield, or (in the case of the Royal Engineers) Lancaster. Breech-loaders were, however, already a commonplace amongst sporting weapons, and it was clear that the muzzle-loader was obsolescent. Several foreign armies were now equipped or partially equipped with breech-loading rifles. Although the American Civil war had been mostly fought with muzzle-loaders, many units in the Union armies had been equipped with Sharps rifles, and several other makes were in use on both sides. On the continent of Europe the Prussian Army had adopted the bolt-action needle gun in 1848, and its superiority over the weapons of opposing armies was evident. in the wars against Denmark in 1864 and Austria in 1866.
In 1864, therefore, a Select Committee was appointed to consider the equipment of the whole Army with breech-loaders, and to study designs for this purpose. The Committee decided that the only practicable method of doing this quickly was to select a mechanism which would permit the conversion of the Army’s large stock of comparatively new muzzle-loading Enfields. Conversion could only be regarded as an interim measure, but it was considered that the selection of the best type of breech-loading rifle for the Army was of less urgency than the provision of some form of breech-loader.
The breech-loading mechanism which was chosen by the Committee was designed by Jacob Snider of New York. The breech was closed by a block which was hinged laterally on the right, and fitted into a recess behind the barrel. To open the breech a thumb piece was pressed which caused the block to swing over to the right. At first it was intended that the Enfield cartridge with its separate cap should be used, and the cap holder and ignition hole formed part of the block.
This was not, however, a very satisfactory answer, for it introduced certain weaknesses. It was decided, therefore, to use a cartridge which incorporated its own detonator. The original Enfield lock and hammer were still retained, but in. place of the nipple the block was pierced obliquely for a striker, the head of which protruded in the part of the block which had been occupied by the nipple. A centre-fire cartridge was adopted, and a claw extractor was fitted to the breech mechanism. This pulled the cartridge case partially out when the breech was opened, and it was then thrown clear by turning the .rifle upside down.
The first cartridge used had a cartridge paper body and a brass base. This was disappointing, and finally the brass-bodied cartridge devised by Colonel Boxer was adopted. This final development took place in 1.867; but in the meantime issue to the troops of the Snider-Enfield, already modified to take a centre-fire cartridge, had started in 1865.
The story of the self-contained cartridge is interesting. The first one seems to have been produced by the inventive Genevan gunsmith of Paris, Jean Samuel Pauly, whose invention of a pellet detonator in 1812 was mentioned in Chapter X. Some time between 1812 and 1815 Pauly produced a centre-fire paper cartridge, affixed to the base of which was a metal rosette containing the detonating mixture. The paper cartridge cannot have been very satisfactory, for shortly afterwards he tried a brass cartridge. The brass, however, was too thick and heavy for the casing t6 expand sufficiently to make a gas-tight seal.
It seems likely that little was required to make a success of Pauly’s invention; and yet, surprisingly, nothing further was apparently attempted for another fifteen years. In 1831 Moser, a foreign engineer, took out a British patent for a muzzle-loader which had a needle-fire cartridge. In 1836 rem Dreyse, a Prussian gunsmith. who had worked under Pauly, produced a breech-loading needle gun; and this was the bolt-action weapon which was adopted by the Prussian Army in 1848. The cartridge was made of combustible paper, and a pellet of fulminate was inserted between the powder charge and the bullet. Fitted to the bolt was a long needle-like striker which penetrated the base of the cartridge and went forward through the powder to pierce the doonator. Though successful in action, the needle gun was a dirty weapon. The needle got badly corroded and the breech became blocked with fouling.
The next major development was the invention by a Frenchman named Houillier, in 1846, of the pin-fire cartridge. The casing was made of thick coiled paper with a base of copper or brass. - Protruding at right angles from the side of the cartridge case, and at the base end where the wall was of metal, Was a pin. This pin was struck by a hammer, which drove it into a detonator inside the cartridge. The following year another Frenchman, Flobert, produced the first rim-fire cartridge. The principle of this has been explained in Chapter XIV, and it differs little from the rim-fire cartridges which are used to-day; chiefly for -22 calibre weapons.
In 185z Lancaster, who, it will be remembered, designed the muzzle-loading rifle which had been adopted for the Royal Engineers, brought out a breech-loading rifle which took a centre-fire cartridge of his own design. Inside the cartridge case, and a short distance from the base, was a perforated metal disc. Between this disc and the base was the detonating mixture: base, disc and detonator forming a sandwich. When the striker hit the base, it was indented, compressing the detonator and causing an explosion. The flash from the detonator passed through the perforations of the disc to the powder charge. The success of the Lancaster cartridge led to the adoption of a centre-fire cartridge for the Snider,
Some years previously, probably about 1839, another Frenchman, Pottet, invented a tapered expanding cartridge made of rolled paper with a metal base. In the centre of the base there was an aperture, and on the inner side of this was fixed a chamber containing a detonator, and having a small hole communicating with the powder charge. In 1857 Pottet patented his invention, but there was apparently no machinery available to manufacture it and hand manufacture would have been too expensive.
Yet another Frenchman, F. E. Schneider of Paris, patented an improved version of the Pottet cartridge, and this was introduced into England by the gunmaking firm of Witton and Daw (the successors to George H. Daw). This was the centre-fire cartridge which was selected for the Snider-Enfield. As has already-been said, it was not a complete success. The problem was then tackled by Colonel Boxer, Superintendent of the Royal Laboratory at Woolwich, with the result that he produced his very successful modification of 1867-
The Boxer cartridge hadacase made of thin sheet brass, coiled and covered with paper, and mounted on a separate base which was a disc, first of brass and later of iron. The hollow rivet which secured the cylinder to the base was the cap chamber. Oddly enough the Boxer principle was subsequently adopted by the United States of America, whilst the present bottlenecked type of cartridge now used in the British Army originated in the 187o design of Colonel Hiram Berdan of the United States Ordnance. Department.
The immediate requirements of the Army having been provided for, consideration was now given to the type of breech-loading rifle which should replace the Snider-Enfield. Eventually,.in 1871, the Martini-Henry was selected. This rifle combined the falling breech mechanism invented by an Austrian, von Martini, and the rifled barrel with seven grooves which had been designed by an Edinburgh gunsmith named Alexander Henry.
The Martini breech mechanism consisted of a block which was hinged at its rear end, and in which was a coiled spring to actuate the striker. Behind the trigger guard was a lever, which, when it was pulled down, lowered the front end of the block to uncover the breech, extracted and ejected the cartridge case, and cocked the striker. The loaded cartridge was then inserted by hand into the chamber. In its simplicity and efficiency the Martini action is one of the best that has ever been designed, and it is still the most popular for small-bore competition shooting. From a military point of view, however, it suffered from two very serious defects. Firstly, sand was liable to jam the mechanism, and this gave great trouble in the Egyptian campaign of 1882. Secondly, it was a single-shot weapon, and it was therefore doomed once the demand for magazine rifles arose.
Another defect in the Martini-Henry was Henry’s barrel. The grooves of the rifling were deep and square cut, with the result that fouling lodged in them very readily. The bore was smaller than that of the Snider-Enfield, being only -450 instead of -577.- In spite of this the Snider-Enfield was the pleasanter weapon to fire, for the Martini-Henry had a vicious kick of a recoil.
After some experimental models had been tested in 1972, the Martini-Henry Mark I was issued to the troops in 1874. The Mark II of 1876 and the Mark III of 1879 embodied minor modifications. In 1886 a Committee, convened as a result of the troubles experienced in the Egyptian campaign, recommended certain. improvements in the rifle, including a bore of ‘402- Some experimental models were made, known as the Enfield Martini; but as magazine rifles were already under investigation nothing came of them, and they were converted to Martini-Henrys of the normal pattern and designated Mark IV.
A great student of the science of rifling, William Ellis Metford, was born in Taunton in 1824. He became a civil engineer, and at an early age worked under the famous Isambard Kingdom Brunel on the construction of the Great Western Railway. Later he went to India as a railway engineer, but returned to England when his never very robust health broke down.
Metford had been interested in shooting both in practice and theory from his youth, and after he had been forced to give up his Indian career he had more time to devote to this hobby. From notes which he has left it is apparent that he was carrying out experimental work on rifles at least as early as i85o; and in 1852 he was firing rifles at i2oo yards’ range in pursuance of his experiments. By 1854 he was satisfied that, contrary to the general belief, the expansion of a bullet into the rifling -occurred immediately after the explosion of the charge and before it started to move forward. He also discovered that the explosion caused a rifle barrel to bend, so that when the bullet left the muzzle the barrel was pointing in a slightly different direction to the original point of aim.
Metford evolved a most ingenious method of testing his theories. He fired bullets into a long box filled with sawdust, and was thus able to recover them in the condition in which they had left the barrel of the rifle. From subsequent examination it was possible to tell whether there had been any leakage of explosion gases past a bullet, and the manner in which it had taken the rifling. From such experiments Met-ford found that the common practice of constructing very deep grooving in a rifled barrel was unnecessary, and that a longitudinal bullet with a good bearing surface would not strip, or ride over, the lands even when the grooves were very shallow. He also found that the generally held theory that a bullet must be made of pure .lead to be soft enough to be expanded by the explosion into the grooves was incorrect; and that, on the contrary, a much harder bullet of lead and an alloy would do.
Metford next constructed a rifle and bullets in accordance with his ideas. The grooves were only a few thousands of an inch deep, and the lead and alloy bullet had a shallow hollow ire the base and was protected from friction by a thin paper wrapping. A great friend of Metford’s, Colonel Halford, had his own private range at Wistow in Leicestershire. Here experiments were carried out with the new rifle. They were sufficiently successful for Metford to have a special rifle made in 1865 for match shooting. This had seven grooves of a depth of four-thousandths of an inch. Armed with this weapon, a muzzle-loader, Halford, entered the-competition held by the Cambridge University Long Range Club, which included practices at i 000 and i i oo yards. To the astonishment of the many critics-of the design, Halford won the cup presented for the best score on the two days’ shoot.
Metford’s ideas had come to stay, and they were soon being copied by all gunsmiths. For military rifles, unfortunately, Henry’s barrel had been adopted before the implications of Metford’s success had been really appreciated. In due course his rifling replaced Henry’s in the weapon of the British soldier, but before this happened there was a new development in bullet design. The bore of the Martini-Henry rifle, even though considerably smaller than that of the Snider-Enfield, was still very large. A reduction in the size of the bore would allow a smaller cartridge, and this in turn would result in the soldier being able to carry a greater quantity of ammunition in his personal equipment: an important consideration in view of the increased rate of fire which would be possible with the advent of the magazine rifle. With the existing muzzle velocity of the bullet, however, its size, which was dictated by the military requirement for stopping power, could not be reduced any further. If the velocity could be increased the same stopping.power could be obtained with a smaller bullet, but the lead bullets then used were too soft to be propelled at a faster rate down the barrel. The difficulty was solved by a Swiss, Colonel Rubin, who found that if the lead bullet was encased in a covering of a harder metal it would stand up to much greater velocities.
As a result of Colonel Rubin’s discovery the calibre of British Army rifles was reduced to -303 inch in 1888, and this is still the standard for all full-bore bolt-action rifles. The increased velocity was at first obtained by using a charge of compressed black powder. In the meantime a Committee was established under the presidency of Frederick Abel, an expert in the manufacture of explosives, to devise a smokeless propellent. A solution was found in a preparation based on the discoveries of the great Swiss engineer, Alfred Nobel. It was hardened into a long cord and given the name ‘cordite’. From 1892 it was used in all Service small arms ammunition. Cordite increased the velocity of the bullet from the i 800 feet per second of the compressed black powder charge, to 2000 feet per second. This was further increased to 2440 feet per second in 1911 when a still lighter pointed bullet was adopted.
The new rifle which was introduced into the British Army in 1888 was the Lee-Metford. It had Metford’s design of rifled barrel with the ‘303-inch calibre, and a bolt-action breech and magazine, both invented by a Scottish watchmaker named James Paris Lee. Lee’s bolt is a development of the breech mechanism which had’ first appeared in the Prussian needle gun of 1848 and subsequently in the French Chassepot of 18 66. The Lee action is still in use in the British Army, and is only now, some seventy years after its first introduction, being replaced by a semi-automatic mechanism.
The function of the bolt, briefly, is to push the cartridge into the breech, close the breech, fire the cartridge, and extract and eject the empty case. The cartridge is fired by a pin which is held back by a spring inside the bolt, and which projects through a hole in the bolt-head when the pressure of the trigger releases the spring. The Lee bolt was strongly criticized by leading British gunsmiths because it is held in position when closed by lugs at the rear of the bolt. Whereas, theoretically, in order that the minimum amount of metal should be under stress at the time of firing, front locking lugs should be used, as in the German Mauser and the. American Garand. However, the Lee rear locking lugs permit the use of a separate bolt-head, which facilitates cleaning and adjustment. Moreover, the Lee action is the fastest bolt-action ever to have been devised, and its retention in the Army after the Boer war and the two World Wars is a testament to its efficiency in action.
The Lee magazine is a separate box which is inserted under the breech mechanism and held in place by a spring clip. Inside is a platform which is pushed upwards from below by a spring in the base of the box. The cartridges are inserted on top of the platform and press it downwards, so compressing the spring. As one cartridge ‘is pushed forward by the bolt from the magazine, so the spring pushes another one upwards into place. The first magazine held eight rounds of the black powder ammunition. This was increased to ten rounds when the cordite ammunition was introduced.
From 18 go a number of the Martini action rifles were given the Metford barrel instead of the Henry. These conversions were known as Martini-Metfords. Between 1891 and 1892 a large number of the Martini-Henry Cavalry carbines and. Artillery carbines were similarly converted.
In x895 the Metford barrel was modified at Enfield by reducing the number of grooves in the rifling from seven to five. The new rifle was called the Lee-Enfield. Further rifle and carbine conversions from the Martini-Henrys received this barrel and became Martin i-En fields.
No bolt-action carbines were made until 1896, when a magazine Lee-Enfield Cavalry carbine was produced. All Artillery carbines, however, continued to have the single-shot Martini action. In addition, Colonial troops at the start of the Boer war were armed with the Martini-Enfield, and the Indian Army was equipped with it until i goS.
At the time the retention of single-shot weapons did not appear as such a disadvantage  as it would now; for the magazine was regarded as a reserve, and the rifle was fitted with a cut-out which slid across the magazine so that it could be cut off from the chamber. This was the normal position for firing, the rifle being reloaded by hand with a single round after each . shot. It was probably considered that ammunition supply in the field would present difficulties if the high rate of fire, which the magazine made possible, were used too freely. The comparative effectiveness of the new magazine rifles was demonstrated, however, at the battle of Omdurman. The British troops opened fire on -the charging dervishes at a range of 2000 yards and stopped them Soo yards from their position. The Egyptian and Sudanese troops, who had Martini-Henrys, opened fire at moo yards and stopped them 300 yards away.
The limited use of the magazine was found to be a handicap in the. Boer war. Once the reserve of rapid fire had been used there was no means of re-charging the magazines quickly. Lee had, indeed, invented a charger in 1892 by means of which five rounds could be loaded simultaneously. This was not considered necessary at the time but was eventually adopted as a result of the lessons of the Boer war.
The Boer war showed that fire power by mounted troops was at least as important as shock action, and the Martini carbine, with which most of the cavalry were armed, was a very ineffective weapon compared with the magazine Lee-Enfield of the mounted infantry. After the war it was therefore decided that carbines should be abolished and that there should be one pattern of rifle for the whole Army. In order to make it suitable for use by mounted troops the Lee-Enfield was reduced in length and entitled the Short Magazine Lee-Enfield (known to generations of soldiers as the S.M.L.E.). In compensation the bayonet was slightly lengthened.

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Jul 31

SWORDS—WATERLOO TO
THE PRESENT DAY
There was no, change in the pattern of swords used by the British Army during the long second period of the Napoleonic wars, which lasted from the reopening of hostilities, after the abortive Peace of Amibns, until the final departure of Napoleon to St. Helena. When the threat from imperial France had been finally removed, however, there was more time for those who meddle with these things to consider the minutiae of military uniform and equipment.
Round about i82o sundry new regulations were published relating to swords. Even the superb light cavalry sword, which had proved its value in action, was not left alone. The old argument was revived as to whether cutting or thrusting was the more important function of a cavalrysword; and because it was not yet appreciated that no sword can be designed which is really satisfactory for both, the weapon which eventually appeared was a compromise which was good at neither.
The new sword was issued to regiments of Hussars and Light Dragoons in 1826. It had the same type of stirrup hilt as the old sword, but the blade was increased in length to thirty-four inches, and was both narrower and considerably less curved. The balance of the sword was quite altered as compared with its predecessor, and this, together with the straighter blade, resulted in a weapon which was far inferior for cutting. For thrusting it was more effective, though by no means satisfactory.
Units seem to have been in no hurry to acquire this new sword, for the 13th Hussars, at any rate, managed to retain the old one until 1829. In 1829 the hilt was changed from the stirrup pattern to a three-bar steel guard, which gave more protection to the hand.
In 1822 the sword of the heavy cavalry received some much needed attention. In contrast, however, to the ill-advised replacement of the efficient light cavalry sword, the only improvement made to the ineffective weapon of the heavy cavalry was the substitution of a sharp point for the original hatchet termination of the blade.
Also in or about :1822 a new sword was introduced for infantry officers. The hilt was a half-basket type of Gothic design, incorporating the Royal cypher, and the half of the guard worn next to the body was hinged to fall downwards, to avoid rubbing the clothing. The inside of the hilt was lined with black patent,leather, and there was a fishskin grip bound with brass wire. The hilts were made of brass, except those of the Rifle regiments, which were steel. The blade was the same length of thirty-two inches as the previous pattern, but it was slightly curved instead of being straight. In addition it was unfullered and had piping down .the back to strengthen it. In spite of the strengthening, however, the blade was weak; and the piping, in fact, prevented it cutting deep.
In 1834 the Highland regiments, which hitherto had worn the same infantry sword as the rest of the Army, were issued with a sword of their own. This had the traditional ‘Highland Basket’ hilt. The blade was the heavy broadsword type similar to that popular in the heavy cavalry in about 1750, (A sword with this type of.hilt is often wrongly called a claymore. The true claymore is a two-handed sword with no other protection than a pair of straight quillons.) The Highland Basket is, not, in point of fact, a very convenient hilt, in spite of the protection it gives. The hand is too confined for the sword to be used very effectively. for thrusting. On the other hand, it was originally designed for cutting;; the body being protected by either the dirk or the targe. Used thus it was a very fine weapon. In addition it was very decorative, and during the reign of the ‘First Gentleman in Europe’ this was frequently of greater importance than efficiency for battle. The hilt was lined with white buckskin and scarlet cloth edged with blue silk, and a crimson silk tassel was suspended from the pommel. Lowland regiments were still armed with the ordinary pattern of infantry sword.
In about 1848 a new sword was at last brought out for the heavy cavalry. It was a vast improvement on the old one. The blade was thirty-six inches long, slightly curved, and tapered to a sharp point. The hilt was steel, and the guard was the first example of the bowl-shell which is fitted to the latest pattern of cavalry sword. On the inside it was lined with leather, and there was a leather covering to the grip.
The new heavy cavalry sword had a very short life, for in 1853 a sword was approved for issue to all cavalry regiments, whether heavy- or light. This signalized official recognition that there was now no difference in the function of the two branches of the cavalry. It i6 unlikely, however, that many regiments, if any, received this sword before leaving for the Crimea; and the great cavalry actions of that war were probably fought with the older pattern swords.
It had at last been realized that all the qualities required for cutting - and thrusting could not be combined in one weapon. The 1853 pattern was primarily a thrusting weapon, and it was so stated in the regulations. At the same time the design allowed for cutting as a secondary function. The blade was straight and thirty-six inches in length. The guard consisted of three bars, of cast iron, and on the opposite side of the sword was a short quillon. ‘The slit for the sword knot was on top of the guard.
The ordinary infantry officer’s sword was improved in 1845. The hilt was unchanged, but the blade was heavier, fallered and without the piping on the back. It was . still slightly curved. Some ten years later there was another change. The blade became a little straighter, and the inner part of the guard was no longer hinged. The design on the guard incorporated the Royal cypher and, in Light Infantry and Rifle regiments, a bugle as well.
A peculiar type of ornamental sword was introduced into the Band and Drums of the infantry in about 1830- It had a short and very curved blade of the type known as Mameluke. The hilts varied in shape and design in accordance with regimental taste. The pommel nearly always figured an animal’s head. The lion was the most often seen, but sometimes a badge of the regiment was chosen. The 17th Regiment, for instance, had the Royal Tiger which had been granted to them as a badge in 1825. The 56th Regiment, which. had been associated with West Kent for many years, bore the Kentish horse. There was no guard other than quillons, and these were straight, curved or counter-curved; and sometimes with brass chains connecting the quillons and the pommel.
In 1854 a new and completely different sword was introduced for the Band and Drums. It had a blade which was longer but less curved than its predecessor and a brass half-basket hilt, incorporating the Royal cypher. Three years later the sword was changed again. Curved blade and half-basket hilt were alike discarded. The new weapon was short and straight in the blade; and the hilt had no guard other than trefoil-shaped quillons. There was a black leather scabbard with brass mounts. For Rifle regiments the hilt was steel, and for other regiments brass. A similar sword, but slightly lighter, was issued to buglers. The only other difference was the absence of a knob on top of the pommel. In 1895 the hilt was simplified and the bugler’s sword was made slightly the heavier weapon. In i goS these swords were abolished.
In 18 56 the sword replaced the musket as the weapon of the infantry Pioneers. The. blade was 22z inches in length, and the back edge was cut as a double-toothed saw. The hilt had a simple knuckle-bow guard. This was probably not the first time that Pioneers had used saw-backed swords, as some seem to have been armed with them in the I 840’s; but this earlier type was not, apparently, official, and may have been made under regimental arrangements.
In 1864 the bowl-shell guard, which had been fitted to the heavy cavalry sword of 1848, replaced the guard with cast-iron bars of the universal cavalry sword of 1853. It had been found that these bars often broke in action, and in any case gave little protection to the hand. The new guard was made of sheet steel and was pierced by four triangular apertures arranged in the shape of a cross. At the same time the blade was shortened by an inch to thirty-five inches, and was curved slightly, presumably to improve it for cutting.
In 1863 an improved pattern of Highland Basket hilt was approved for Scottish infantry regiments. It made no appreciable. difference, however, to the regimental broadsword as a fighting weapon. In fact, later swords of English manufacture were far inferior weapons. Eventually, in 18 7 8, it was decided that basket hilts would have to be removed on active service. The hilt which was consequently approved for wear with Service dress certainly allows the hand full freedom of movement, but the only protection provided is a pair of straight quillons. The basket and cross hilts are made readily interchangeable. The original scabbards had been of black leather with brass or copper-gilt mounts and a chape with trailer. The 1863 scabbard was steel, but the pattern approved later for wear with Service dress and Sam Browne belt was leather. In 1881 the Lowland regiments adopted the Highland pattern broadsword.
A peculiarity in the swords of Scottish regiments is the use of a separate type of hilt for mounted field officers. This is interchangeable with either the cross or basket hilts for dismounted duties, and is lined with buckskin and crimson cloth. The pattern varies with different regiments. In’ The Royal Scots, The Royal Scots Fusiliers, The King’s Own Scottish Borderers and The Gordon, Highlanders the hilt is covered with a design of thistles, and there is a space for the display of the regimental badge. The field officers of The Black Watch, The Seaforth Highlanders, *The Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders and The Highland Light Infantry have a differently shaped guard with a scroll design. This hilt was also worn by officers of the heavy cavalry from 1857 to 1896, and by officers of the Royal Engineers from -T-8$7 to -1902- Field officers of The Cameron Highlanders have a separate sword with a three-barred and unlined hilt, which is also worn by officers of the Royal Artillery. The Cameronians have the same sword as other Rifle regiments, though for some years the regimental badge was worn in place of the bugle.
In 188o a new sword was introduced for officers of infantry regiments nts; (other than Scottish). It had a straight blade and a half-basket brass hilt. In 1895 a new hilt was introduced, though the blade remained  the same. The hilt was again the half-basket type, but of steel instead of brass. It incorporated a foliated design and the crowned Royal cypher. The following year there was a slight modification: the inside edge of the guard was turned down to safeguard the uniform from damage. The 1896 sword is the pattern worn by officers to-day, not only in the infantry, but in the Royal Engineers, the Royal Signals and other corps.
In 1882 another cavalry sword was produced which had only slight alterations as compared with its predecessor of 1864. The guard was a little smaller and the inner edge was turned down. The sword knot slit was moved from the front to the top of the guard, and the upper part of the guard was raised a little: above the pommel. There was no alteration in the shape and design of the blade, but there were two different lengths: 35-j and 33 inches.
The Egyptian war, which was in progress at this time, brought to light some unsuspected and unfortunate deficiencies in the swords and bayonets of the British Army. There were many reports of blades being broken or bent in action. The fault -was obviously in the quality of the steel; and there was legitimate criticism of the method of testing and inspection. Eventually a Committee was appointed to investigate the matter. Nothing very positive seems to have resulted from its deliberations; but the very fact of the investigation and the evidence which was called must have caused manufacturers to. improve their standards; for no further failure was apparently reported’. In the meantime Enfield was unable to meet the whole of the demand for swords and bayonets, and part of the order, therefore, was placed with German firms at the famous sword-manufacturing centre of Solingen.
The cavalry sword was again modified in 18 8 5. The curve of the blade was slightly increased and made an inch shorter than the 1882 pattern.. In addition, the top of the guard was made level with the pommel. In 18 go a heavier blade was introduced which, except for being thicker, was of the same shape and pattern.
However, in spite of these numerous minor modifications, the old argument as to the type of sword which should be used by cavalry broke out once more: stimulated probably by criticisms resulting from the recent campaigns. The argument was sufficiently intense for the matter to be brought to the notice of Parliament; and, as a result, a .number of experimental swords were made. The arguments were again reflected in the final solution. As in the case of the light cavalry sword of 182o, the cavalry sword of 1899 was suitable for neither cutting nor thrusting; though optimistically intended for both. The blade was reduced in length to 33 inches. The hilt was of the same design as previously, but a slightly enlarged and more bowl’shaped guard gave better protection to the hand. The cavalry regiments which went out to South Africa at the start of the Boer war were armed with either the 1885 or the 1890 pattern of sword; but the unfortunate units in the later reinforcements were issued with the heartily disliked 1899 model.
The obvious failure of the 1899 sword led, in 1903, to the appointment of a Committee to re-examine the problem and to make recommendations for a suitable type of sword for the cavalry. The Committee early decided that the sword must be primarily a thrusting weapon on the grounds that little injury was inflicted by a cut, and that a thrust was always far the more effective. Whereas experience with the light cavalry sword in the Peninsular campaign certainly did not support this conclusion, it was something that the Committee had made up its mind on the purpose which the sword was to serve. However, although numerous experimental swords .were made, all were rejected as unsuitable, and the proceedings of the Committee apparently came to an end.
In 1906 another Committee was appointed; and with such energy did it act that some months later a new sword was ready for trial. In the design of this new model the Committee drew on a wide field of experience. Swords to meet certain specifications were ordered from private firms, and trials were carried out with numerous existing types, both British and foreign.
The firms who were requested to make swords for experi- , ment were Messrs. Wilkinson and Messrs. Mole. It was stipulated that the blade must be 35 inches in length, and have a narrow chisel edge; that the weight should be 2 pounds 6 ounces; that the balance should be between 21 and 21 inches below the hilt; and that the grip should be shaped to ensure that the sword could only be held in the correct fashion.
The existing swords submitted for test were the pre-Boer war cavalry sword of the 18 go pattern; the unpopular model of 1899; a sword which had been adopted for the Household cavalry in x892, with a slightly curved blade 341 inches long and a guard of sheet steel; the French cavalry sword of 1854, which had a straight 381-inch blade and a four-bar brass guard; the French light cavalry sword of 1822, which was a cutting weapon with a curved blade and a three-bar brass guard; the existing sword of the Dutch cavalry; and the light thrusting sword of a Spanish bull-fighter. Apart from these, experimental blades were tried with existing hilts, and to existing blades were fitted grips of various shapes and materials.
The sword which was the outcome of these trials and experiments was the ‘Pattern i 906 Experimental’. This was issued to several units and proved very popular. It had a straight thrusting blade and the so-called ‘pistol’ grip. As a result of the success of this weapon a slightly modified version was approved by the King in igoS for general issue to the cavalry; and this was the last cavalry sword to be designed for the British Army. It was a worthy finish, for it is one of the finest swords ever to have been designed, and it was outstandingly successful in the field in the “First World War. With its straight narrow 35-inch blade it is essentially a thrusting weapon. The guard is of sheet steel, unpierced, and is shaped into a very large and rather ugly-looking bowl, which gives excellent protection to the hand. The pistol grip has been retained, and is so shaped that the hand naturally grasps it in the correct position. The sword is a delight to handle and is beautifully balanced.

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Jul 18

The new serjeant’s pike was nine feet in length with a spear head which screwed into a socket and a cross-piece to prevent the head from penetrating too far signatures of art deco cabinet makers paris . The wooden shaft was painted white in order to show up the polished metal parts antique chinese chicken coop .
The recognition that the sword was now the officer’s primary weapon led to some apparent anxiety as to the suitability of the various regimental patterns, for the General Order which abolished spontoons said that infantry officers were to ‘provide themselves with a strong substantial uniform sword with a straight cut-and-thrust blade, an inch broad at the shoulder and 32 inches long antique bugatti table . The hilt, if not steel, to be either gilt or silver according to the buttons on the uniforms antique collectors .’ In accordance with existing policy all details of design were left to regiments, but the stipulated width at the shoulder ensured a fairly substantial blade 16th century settee .
The period of regimentally designed swords, however, was drawing to an end 1930’s austro-hungarian furniture . The first to be dealt with were the cavalry 19th century regency antique furniture .
By the 1780’s it appears that all Light Dragoon regiments had stirrup hilts to their swords, formed by bending one quillon up to join the pommel, and most blades were curved in varying degrees 18th century cabinets to hold chamber pots . They remained fairly short, for Light Dragoons, unlike the ‘heavies’, wore their swords when dismounted instead of leaving them on the horse french empire desk cabinet maker logo .
Of the heavy cavalry the 6th Inniskilling Dragoons were noted in an Inspection Return of 1777 as having ‘new swords being made’ ant cherry antique dictionary tables . These new swords had half basket-hilts, and were perhaps of similar design to the earlier Dragoon sword already mentioned scottish flame mahogany chest of drawers .
In 1788 a Board of General Officers on the clothing and equipment of the cavalry passed resolutions regarding the swords most suitable for both light and heavy cavalry modern oriental writing bureau .
That in respect of the light cavalry said: `Regimental swords and sabres for Light Dragoons veneer inlay 1940 bedroom set antique . The hilt to be of the same form as used by the Light Dragoons and to be 5 ins antique centre table with caryatid legs . long in the grip antique center tables . The blade to be 36 ins king george drop leaf gateleg table . long and the curve in the centre to be i I ins john toulouse porcelain modeller . from the straight line antique austria 1855 - 1953 statues . The breadth to be i-j- ins george i folding card table antique . long in the shoulder antique drop leaf table federal period . The blade to be I ins antique silver gravy boat . thick and to finish about II ins circular glass pedestal dining table . from the point rectangular drop leaf sofa table . Officers’ swords for all the regiments of cavalry to be uniform with those of the men 1918 1940 usa design trends creators raymond loewy .’
For the heavy cavalry the resolution was:
`That the hilts of the swords of the regiments of Dragoon Guards and Dragoons be half basket, the same as those of the 6th (Inniskilling) Regiment of Dragoons cabriole in architecture . The grip from the guard to the point of the button to be 7-r8x in antique tea kettle . The blade to be 3 ft double gate drop leaf table antique . 9 in english ironstone potteries ltd . long from the guard to the point meissen kandler . The breadth of the blade at the shoulder to be 1 5/12 in oak chamber pot chair ., and the back to be
in recognizing antiques pembroke table . thick and to finish about 14 in lovers on a swing’ meissen porcelain . from the point “antique sheffield silver dresser” .’
This was the first time that such detailed specifications had been drawn up for the swords of the Army serving epergne . There was little, if any, room for regimental variation, and even the officers’ swords had to conform to the official pattern silver forks made in italy . The most striking feature was the very great length of the-heavy cavalry sword antique music cabinete with mirror at the top .
On the 14th November 1796 a Royal Warrant was issued which contained regulations governing the design and pattern of the swords of the cavalry; and in the same year a General Order gave instructions regarding the swords to be worn by officers of the infantry irish, intricately carved lion paw, oak dining table, 1800’s, 6 leafs . Thus for the first time there were official patterns for practically all personal weapons in the Army fiddleback walnut .
The new infantry officer’s sword was described in the General Order as follows:
`The sword to have a brass guard, pommel and shell gilt with gold and the grip or handle of silver twisted wire antique english ironstone . The blade to be straight and made to cut and thrust; to be at least i in 1920s and 1930s hand painted enamel posters . broad at the shoulder and 32 in example of 18th century wooden handle silverware . in length conformable to former orders given in 178′6 types of timepieces in ancient times with pictures of it .’
Thus the dimensions of the blade ordered in, 1786 were retained, but the design of the hilt was also now governed by a regulation cylindrical crock eared handles cobalt blue . The General Order was probably accompanied by a drawing, for precisely the same pattern of hilt was common to all the regiments of Foot antique furniture marks . It had a flat ’shell’, or plate, at the top of the blade, with a heart-shaped indentation at front and rear are mahogany drum tables in demand . On the underneath side of the plate ornamental decoration connected the two indentations and surrounded the blade antique dresser teardrop mirror . From the rear indentation protruded the stump of
• quillon terminating in an acorn muller freres chandelier . From the front indentation
• single-bar popular antique american earthenware brown . knuckle guard rose in a curve to the base of the pommel old fashioned dutch dining tables . The pommel was urn-shaped antique sofas 1920 . Round the knuckle guard was twisted a crimson and gold sword-knot, ending in a tassel knife urns .
Old habits, however, died hard antique golden oak drop leaf table . Whilst in general the orders were adhered to, a practice arose in some regiments of wearing sabres, or swords with curved blades american empire sofa . In most regiments it became the custom for officers in Light companies to wear sabres fitted with a form of the Light Dragoon stirrup hilt antique table turned feet . So general did this practice become that by r 81 5 it seems to have been recognized, perhaps unofficially, by the Authorities verlys holophane .
The Warrant of 1796 directed that for the heavy cavalry:
`A new sword 35 in, long in the blade is to be substituted in lieu of that now in use, having been found unmanageable owing to the length of the blade and the weight of the hilt “u shaped” coffee table mahogany . The rivet which fixes the*back of the hilt to the middle of the handle to go through the shank of the blade and the back to be well rivetted near the guard directoire napoleon furniture . The shank of the blade to be large and the top of the scabbard to be made to take off for the easier replacing of the same value of iron table lamp made in 1940’s .
The instruction does not contain many details of the sword, but again it was probably supported by a drawing harlequin pattern period furniture . This was almost certainly the heavy cavalry sword which was used throughout the Napoleonic wars, since there is no evidence of any other pattern being introduced before 1822 antique alcove sofa . The hilt of this weapon was of steel and consisted of a flat disc which was pierced with holes, with a short projection at the rear, and the front tapering to a knuckle guard which was curved to the pommel cantagalli marks . It was an ugly design black desk curved legs . The blade was peculiar in that it finished in a hatchet point and could thus only be used for cutting viennese chairs . On the whole this was probably the worst sword which was ever issued to the British Army 18th century horoldt augsburg vases . Even the allegedly unmanageable weapon which it replaced at least gave far better protection to the hand and could be used for thrusting william hogarth + nicholas sprimont .
If the heavy cavalry sword was the worst the Army ever had, the light cavalry sword was almost certainly the best rectangular drop leaf 5 leg dining table with 4 leaves . The Royal Warrant retained the pattern recommended by the Board of General Officers in 1788, but shortened the blade by some three inches florals in british furniture . It was described as: ‘A sabre to be of the pattern last approved by Us and the length of the blade to be 321 ins art deco regency mahogony . or 33 ins scandinavian aesthetic . measured in a straight line from the hilt to the point but not to exceed the latter measurement’ scottish chest drawers . With the shorter length, of course, the same deviation from, the straight line would result in the blade having a more pronounced curve than the 1788 pattern yabu fruit .
This light cavalry sabre was intended for both cutting and thrusting; but it was as a cutting weapon that it was preeminent, and easily the best in any army throughout -the Napoleonic wars antiques, louis xiv china . The relative merits of cutting and thrusting have been fiercely argued throughout most of the history of the British Army, and sometimes the desire to produce a weapon which will be equally good at both has led to a compromise design which has been satisfactory for neither gilded console table . At •the end of the eighteenth century military opinion was overwhelmingly in favour of cutting, and hence the light cavalry sabre was a cutting sword with thrusting as a secondary task copeland parian busts and figures . The Rules and Regulations for the Sword Exercise, issued from the Adjutant-General’s Office on the 1st December 1796, the same year as the introduction of the new sabre, was based on it and feature it in all the illustrations art deco burr walnut - antiques . The merits and uses of cutting and thrusting are explained clearly in its pages, as the following extracts show antiques antique oak sideboards dutch style .
`CUTS two tier table .
TiiERE are only six ways of directing the edge of the blade; therefore the different parts of the body, which may be exposed by the unskilfulness of a swordsman, are not to be (erroneously) conceived as admitting of so many distinct Cuts french furniture dorset . The action of the wrist and shoulder alone, directs the blade; and they admit but of six movements,- from which every cut is derived, wherever may be its particular application to the body victorian gate leg pine table . Of the six cuts, four are made in diagonal directions, and two horizontally: the whole are equally applicable against cavalry, and may be directed on either side of the horse, but their application must depend on the openings given by the adversary, and be regulated by judgement, and experience in the use of the weapon old english table leg shapes pictures .
`To make a Cut with effect, and at the same time without exposing the person, there are two points which principally demand attention yabu furniture . The first is, to acquire a facility in giving motion to the arm by means of the wrist and shoulder without bending the elbow; for in bending the elbow, the sword arm is exposed; a circumstance of which the opponent will ever be ready to take his advantage, as a cut in that quarter may be made with great security; and if it be well directed, with the most fatal effect, as it at once decides the issue of the contest interior design drawing room . thomas sheraton kidney shaped desk . set of 12 disciples silver spoon collection . jean luce arzberg china .
`From -want of habit in the exercise of the wrist in the common occupations of life, the weight of tjie sword will at first be found extremely irksome mayhew and ince tripod table . The action of the arm bears no comparison with that quickness of which the wrist is susceptible; for the motions of the arm are so wide and circuitous, that they are easily counteracted “empire designer, best known for pedestal tables with curved legs . antique occasional table pie crust top . drawing furniture by michael thonet . 0
`The PoiNT antique cedar drop leaf table .
`Ti-rE thrust has only one mode of execution, whether applied to cavalry, or infantry: but a greater degree of caution is required in its application against cavalry than against infantry; for if the point is parried, the adversary’s blade gets within your guard, which is not to be recovered again in time, as with a small sword; the weapon being too heavy to be managed with the requisite degree of quickness; for which reason the point should seldom or never be given in the attack, but be principally confined to the pursuit, when it can be applied with effect and without risk english ladys writing desk spiral legs .
, The case is different in acting against infantry, as the persons against whom you then direct your point, are so much below your own level, that the weight of your sword is not felt; consequently it is managed with greater facility than with an extended arm carried above the level of the shoulder 16th century antique chests . Therefore in many instances against infantry, the point may be used with as much effect as the edge, and with the same degree of security 1820 antique empire mahogany dining table .
`The CUT pictures of porcelain furniture . space saving rectangular drop leaf tables . frenchswiss antique pocket watches . against INFANTRY finmar desk .
`A person on horseback is elevated so much above those acting on foot, that it is necessary for him to bend his elbow, in order to take a sweep to give his cut with effect: and this may be securely done, as,the sword arm is not exposed in the contest gustav klimt porcelain .’
[Some of the comments in the Rules and Regulations on cutting with the sword point to some of the factors which have to be considered in design monastery credence tables .>
`Let the blade be sharpened six inches to the point, in order that you may be able to apply it with effect, and without this precaution, it may be difficult to judge how far the edge is carried correctly for sale louis 16th walnut sideboard cabinet .
`It should be remembered that little force is requisite to produce effect from the application of the edge, if conducted with skill, and that whether with a straight sword or scymitar blade, no cut can be made with effect or security, where the -weapon does not at once free itself from the object to which it is applied; otherwise it must turn in the hand, and give a contusion rather than a cut; for which reason those wounds are most severe, which are made nearest to the point collectors wooden racks for spoons austria . A swordsman cannot therefore be too accurate in judging the distance within the reach of his weapon, which alone can be done by habit and strict attention walnut entryway console table with mirror .
`With a scymitar not more than four or five inches of the point should meet your adversary, and still less with a straight blade, whose construction is by no means so well calculated for extricating itself furniture chests on long legs .
FIREARMS IN THE NAPOLEONIC WARS
The British infantry entered the long struggle with Revolutionary France armed with the old Brown Bess musket empire gateleg table . It was used exclusively in the first campaigns, and was probably regarded as highly as both of its nominal successors during the whole war deco chair dressing walnut .
In 1794 a replacement appeared in the form of the India Pattern musket with a universal barrel length of thirty-nine inches barley twist english antique writing desk . This was the standard firearm of the East India Company, and was by no means a new weapon construction of antique teaspoons . It was issued to the Company’s European and Native infantry, and possibly, since it differed from Brown Bess in only minor details, to some of the King’s troops in India rousseau shagreen . In fact, it is very likely that it was not a replacement in the ordinary sense of the word at all but was issued because there were few Brown Bess muskets left in the Tower armouries, whilst comparatively large stocks of the India Pattern muskets were available was there a change in arts in italy between 1920 and 1940 . This supposition is to a certain extent supported by a letter written to William Wilberforce by Lord Chatham, then Master-General of the Ordnance, in September 1803, when war had broken out anew with France vintage pembroke dining table . According to Lord Chatham, after the restoration of peace by the Treaty of Amiens in 1802, he had tried to restock the armouries with an improved pattern of ‘the old Tower musquet which our troops used to have’; but that because of ‘the naked state of our arsenals’ he had been forced to accept the manufacture of an inferior weapon brass iron half tester bed side curtains . The inferior weapon was presumably the india 18th century german bookcase . Pattern Musket which could be manufactured comparatively quickly cooking utensils from britain . The new and improved weapon of i8o2 will be mentioned later meuble d’appui value . The ‘old Tower musquet’ was of course Brown Bess ivory handle sheffield flatware antique .
Lord Chatham’s letter goes on to show how he had nearly surmounted the difficulties connected with the supply of the new musket, when war started afresh and he was faced with `this sudden and unprecedented demand for arms’ silver soup terrine makers . He continues:
`Had it not been with a view to improvement, and intending gradually to dispose of those of inferior quality through the medium of the India Company, we should not have been, previous to the war breaking out [again>, carrying on any manufacture of aims, our arsenals being overflowing, calculating on the extended scale the Department has ever been called upon to furnish 1685 bookcase . I have, however, in consequence of the extraordinary calls of the present crisis, determined to use every effort to meet it, and directions have been given to the Board of Ordnance to revert to the same arm as was made the last war U value of gateleg tables .e antique dressers yorkshire . before the short peace of 1802>, and to manufacture to the utmost possible extent the musquets of the India pattern 19th century antique furniture . You will easily believe I must have felt some reluctance in being obliged to take this step after all the pains I have bestowed, but I hope I have judged for the best 19th century american furniture . I have great satisfaction in thinking that the stock of arms we possess will enable us in the first instance to arm to a considerable extent perhaps all that is really useful, and- as arms come in, which with the exertions of the manufacturers they will do quickly, and with the aid of what we expect from abroad, the remainder will be provided before long antique cutlery whalebone . We have already one hundred thousand pikes, and can increase them rapidly, but in general there is an indisposition to take them occasional tables painted india . I should like much how much is a claw foot table worth .to talk over with you not only the subject of arms, but the whole question of volunteering, which I contemplate as a most serious one scottish chest .’
What this rather long-winded letter amounted to was that Lord Chatham had thought the peace was a genuine one and had been caught badly unprepared british vernacular . It looks as if he had gone rapidly ahead with his plans for disposing of worn-out and inferior arms to the East India Company, so fast in fact that he had been unable to await the improved musket he wanted joubert furniture maker 19th century . War had then broken out afresh, and in desperation he had ordered concentration on the manufacture of the India Pattern musket, for which -a 11 the gunmakers to the Government already had the specifications and tooling 19th century lacquered cabinet with paintings . Meanwhile he consoled himself with his large stock of pikes, and was apparently surprised at encounterincr the same lack of enthusiasm
encountering
for this weapon as a substitute for firearms, as a similar offer met some 137 years later marquetry patterns flower . It is little wonder that volunteering appeared a serious question gothic revival furnature with lions .
The result of Chatham’s action was that all the troops proceeding overseas were equipped either with Brown Bess or the India Pattern musket, the latter having a 39-inch barrel goldscheider polished stoneware germany . In addition, new India muskets were issued to all the Militia regiments german antiques furniture .
The new infantry arm of i 8o2, the plans for which had been disrupted by the reopening of hostilities, was very similar in appearance to Nock’s experimental musket of r785, and was obviously derived from it paper mache tray india . -It was produced with three different lengths of barrel porcelan rococo teapot victorian photo . The longest was forty-two inches, the standard Brown Bess length, and was intended for all the Foot except the Light Infantry: the Light Infantry, traditionally now, had a 39-inch barrel; and there was a much shorter barrel of thirty-three inches for-the Artillery musket antique armchair ardwood anglo . The bayonet had the usual socket fitting and the standard 17-inch blade antique oval tea table .

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Jul 18

Hennem was requested to make thirty of his screwless locks for Durs Egg’s breech-loading cavalry carbines austro hungarian empire architecture .: and two months later he was directed to make ninety muskets to the design of the Master-General, of the Ordnance (now the Duke of Richmond) and to fit them with his locks chippendale drum table 2 drawers . On the ist October 1785 Major-General O’Hara, Colonel of the 22nd Foot (now The Cheshire *Regiment), invited Hennem to fit his locks to all the muskets in his regiment john widdicomb furniture/french provincial . O’Hara must presumably have seen and been extremely impressed with the 2oth’s trial muskets, for the alteration was a very expensive one to carry out under regimental arrangements amphora czechoslovakia . It must have looked to Hennem as if the future of his lock was assured, and yet it seems that O’Hara’s was the last important order that he had meubles decoration antique europe .
On the 22nd February 1′786 Hennem offered *to modify the stocks of Sergeant’s, carbines and to replace the existing locks with his own for an inclusive charge of 155 barley sugar twist pillars timber . -for each carbine george iii serving table . This offer was politely rejected with the explanation that a change of the firearms of the Army was under consideration small antique sutherland table . The change was due to a competitive venture by Hennem’s erstwhile backer or co-operator, Henry Nock delftware t.i holland .
Nock was one of the leading gunsmiths in both London and Birmingham ivan chermayeff, furniture . He held Government contracts for the manufacture of muskets and carbines, and produced, in addition, many ingenious and original weapons of various types brass frame girandole images . He designed, for instance, a ‘volley gun’ with seven barrels all fired by one hammer at the same time, and intended for Naval boarding parties; four- and seven-barrel revolving pistols; a heavy piece, or ‘wall-gun’, with a repeating action; and several others how much is a victorian dressing table worth . He was obviously the type of gunmaker to whom Jonathan Hennem’s lock would have appealed silver spoon design europe 18th century .
What the arrangement was between Hennem northern europe in the 16th and 17th century . and Nock is not known early 19th century upholstery fabric . It may be that Hennem was too independent a character for Nock’s liking pier roger vandercruse . In any case he had found an eccentric genius who had invented a lock which was somewhat similar to Hennem’s, though more complicated bulbous leg dining table . This was a mathematician named George Bolton, who at one time had been tutor to the children of George III 18th century silver mote spoon . He had devoted a large part of his spare time to the improvement of gun-locks; and seems to have established a gun shop in London in 1773 with another Bolton (F luxury art deco upholstery fabrics . H jennens & bettridge tole tray .), who was perhaps a brother rococo revival marquetry-inlaid wardrobe .
The Bolton lock also had no screws, and all its components were enclosed between two plates, of which the outer (in the position of the normal lock plate) was fitted with pins to hold the moving parts antique double claw pedestal dining room table . A special feature was the accurate machining to standard dimensions, which permitted the easy replacement of breakages antique inlaid pembroke table .
Nock seems to have acquired the sole rights in this lock, for most, if not all, of those made for the Government bear his name ‘H scheid enamel . Nock’ on the plate tripod table, claw and ball foot, antique . In, probably, 1785 Nock produced a new range of military firearms, comprising musket, pistol and carbine, which he submitted as suggested replacements for the Brown Bess series of flintlocks antiques furniture,josef hoffmann . Initially he seems to have* met with considerable success chinese porcelain wall decoration mask history . Trials carried out with his arms must have been satisfactory, for they led to a cessation of orders to Hennem, and a large number were issued to regiments of Horse and Foot for extensive trial turn top walnut tea/card table . Further, it does not appear that art deco consoles . ultimate approval was doubted, for a very large number of the locks were manufactured, and it is reasonable to suppose that these were intended for the conversion of existing flintlocks antique collectors cabinets . Nevertheless the Nock arms were rejected after only a short trial 1940’s art deco black and gray lacquer bedroom set prices . There must have been some weakness in the lock which led to it comparing unfavourably with the sturdy old Brown Bess under active service conditions apostle tea spoons made in england .
One of Nock’s most notable contributions to the development of firearms was the invention of his ‘Patent Breeching’ renaisance design dining table made .
It was too expensive a refinement ever to have been adopted for military firearms, but it drew attention to the advantages obtained by more rapid and more efficient explosion of the charge german 1930 furniture value .
It had been known for some time that if, instead of the ordinary flat-surfaced breech-plug, a special type known as a `chamber-plug’ was fitted, a more powerful explosion resulted antique double pedestal dining room table . In this form of breech the diameter of the powder chamber was slightly less than the bore of the gun, and the breech end was a rounded hollow cut out of the breech-plug 5″ antique rectangular drop leaf table with drawer . From the centre of this hollow was drilled a narrow channel, called the `ante-chamber’, which received a portion of the powder and which connected at right angles with a vent running outwards to the touch-hole of the gun antique brass mirror convex eagle . The idea was that the flame
from the touch-hole, instead of igniting a corner of the charge, “antique furniture” - writing bureau and display cabinet .9
passed through the ante-chamber and through the centre of the powder, thereby igniting all of it at the same moment 17th century antique trinket boxes . The greater power of the explosion resulted in a higher initial beilby glass prince of wales feathers newcastle . velocity of the bullet; in other words, the full force of the powder was exercised in a shorter distance types of bureaux . It was therefore possible to use a shorter barrel; and the barrels of ‘chambered’ pieces were from six to ten inches shorter than those of firearms with the normal pattern of breech characteristics of english medieval gateleg table .
The disadvantage of the ‘chambered’ gun was that the flame had to travel down the touch-hole vent and thence through the ante-chamber before it reached the main chamber; a considerably longer distance than the usual direct contact between touch-hole and charge cabriole leg demilune table . The flintlock already suffered from the delay between pressure on the trigger and ignition of the charge antique oval drop leaf dining table with turned legs . In ‘chambered’ guns it was much greater, and the sportman had little chance of hitting a fleeting target art-deco-1920-1930-wood .
Nock’s feat was to invent a breech which produced the same power as one fitted with the chamber-plug, and yet with less delay between the fall of the cock and the explosion than was experienced with the ordinary flintlock breech antique rectangle drop leaf table cabinet .
Instead of a hollow the Nock breech-plug had a deep cavity cut in it to receive the charge antique french cabriolet dresser . The rounded end of this cavity was connected by a very short passage to a wide ante-chamber cut through the breech-plug from one side to the other art decos exotic bronze chair . One end of this ante-chamber was closed by a screw, to give access for cleaning, and the other by a gold or platinum plug drilled in the centre with the touch-hole 18th century drum tables . Since in loading some powder fell through into the ante-chamber, and the passage separating it from the main chamber was only about -at inch, the touch-hole was as in close effective contact with the charge as in the conventional breech antique walnut dining table 10 foot . Furthermore, the powder in the ante-chamber was so closely confined that it exploded as soon as the flame from the priming powder reached it, instead of being set on fire first as in the normal piece turn a silver tray into a table .
The vast improvement in the performance of flintlock weapons which was effected by Nock’s invention has been rather overshadowed by Forsyth’s more efficient solution of the same problem with the percussion lock english antique trays .
SWORDS IN THE
EIGHTEENTH CENTURY
Progress towards the standardization of swords throughout the Army was far slower than in the case of firearms jean rene prou furniture . Regulation patterns for musket, carbine and pistol had been introduced in the reign of King James II; but it was not till near the end of the eighteenth century that there was Army uniformity of swords 19th c english tin glazed pottery . Long before that there must have been similarity in the swords carried by regiments of the same arm of the Service because there was bound to be a limit to the number of types which the swordsmiths turned out, and these types would conform in general to popular military demand clock singer music candlesticks . Variations between regiments, therefore, would be chiefly minor modifications of the normal type in accordance with the taste of* the Colonels sofa carved top rail . The officers’ swords would tend to differ much more than those of the men, because being more expensive and privately purchased there would be little difficulty in satisfying even the most exotic requirements chinese porcelain decorators . But two factors would tend to preserve some uniformity: firstly, the Colonel of a regiment would often, probably, insist on his officers being armed alike; and secondly, the fashion of the moment is a very powerful factor, particularly amongst very young men value of primitive antique work bench .
After the end of Queen Anne’s wars on the Continent infantry soldiers still seem to have been armed with the hanger 19th century empire daybed . It appears, however, to have been exceedingly unpopular; probably because the possession of a bayonet would make a sword seem an unnecessary encumbrance meissen cris de paris . Several infantry units seem to have stopped wearing swords altogether, for on the 1st December 1724 an order was issued to the Army which by its wording inferred a widespread irregularity biedermeier candelabra . The order read:
`The King is determined to have all the N what is a double gate leg table .C macassar ebony furniture .O ironstone ware japanese willow .’s and men of His foot forces wear swords antique round dining tables with extensions .’
Nevertheless Authority was fighting a losing battle gothic arch furniture . Once the fighting troops have decided that a particular piece of equipment serves no useful purpose there is little chance of its being carried on active service weimar germany china antique . By the middle of the century many regiments had far less than their proper complement of swords, and some had none at all makers of antique table clock with music in china .
At some period Grenadier companies were given basket-hilted swords, instead of the usual brass-hilted hangers wardrobes 19th century . The Grenadiers of the 4th Foot (later The King’s Own Royal Regiment) had them in 1727, those of the 40th Foot were wearing them in about 1750, and a water-colour by Sandby shows the Grenadiers of the Coldstream wearing straight steel basket-hilted swords in 1747•
There does not seem to have been any material change during the- first half of the eighteenth century in the type of swords carried by infantry officers refectory table . In 1746 those of the 4th Foot had a steel hilt, and the scabbard was leather with steel mounts antique deco tub chair .
A typical cavalry sword of 1750, carried by both Horse and Dragoons, had a straight single-edged blade and a full basket-hilt 20th century furniture development in france . The pattern of basket-hilt varied from regiment to regiment, and those of the King’s Own Regiment of Dragoons, for instance, were of brass french animal chairs . The 3rd and 4th Irish Horse, instead of a straight blade, had one which was curved and slightly shorter than the normal kommode roentgen . The length of the blade was 31-1 inches and the breadth 1j inches gilt metal mounted pier table .
There is a Dragoon sword of about 1742 which is of interest as probably being of a fairly typical general pattern, and yet with distinctive regimental characteristics octagon mahogany antique table value . The blade is straight with a single edge and a length of thirty-six inches john walton antiques . The hilt is iron, but only half basket, and with a fishskincovered hilt bound with twisted brass wire how much would an antique clawfoot dresser cost . From the hilt hangs a buff leather sword knot with runner and tassel value of silver candelabra . The scabbard is of black leather, carried in a frog suspended from a shoulder belt 1980 scandinavian leather chair recliner barcelona .
In 1735 the drummers of the 8th Dragoons were distinguished by carrying scimitar swords; and in 1754 special swords were used to denote rank in the Royal Dragoons: brass-hilted swords being issued to serjeants and corporals 16th cent. sideboard .
When in 1755 a Light Troop was added to each regiment of Dragoon Guards and Dragoons on the British establishment, the Royal Warrant laid down that the men were to have `a short cutting sword 34 ins picture of pennsylvania house antique cherry buffet claw feet . long in the blade with a light hilt without basket’ penwork italian . This regulation was typical of the time in that it gave a very general specification and ample scope to Colonels of regiments to choose what they wished antique mahogony carved dressing table . The blade could apparently be either straight or curved and the hilt of any pattern so long as it was light and without a basket antique draw leaf tables . Captain Hinde, in his The Discipline of the Light Horse, deals with both the Light Troops and the subsequent regiments of Light Dragoons, the first of which was raised in 1759 confidante sofas . It is unlikely that there was very much change in the Light Dragoon sword between the time the Light Troops were raised and the formation of the Light Dragoon regiments; but at the time Hinde wrote the sword blade had been lengthened to thirty-seven inches old silver lustre myott . Hinde’s description of the swords carried by officers and men is given in Chapter V, and it will be- noted that the pattern of sword was still left to the choice of the commanding marquetry inlaid trays . officer seated harlequin with a tankard, johann kandler . An illustration in Hinde’s book shows a trooper of a regiment of Light Dragoons armed with a straight-bladed double-edged sword, with no hilt protection other than counter curved quillons indian antique tea kettles . In addition to the mounted pattern, officers apparently had a special sword for parades on foot verlys france . Of these Hinde says: ‘The Officers Parade Swords for Foot Duty, are about 28 Inches Long in the Blade, and worn in a Belt round the Waist’ antique side chair desk . Even the length of swords, however, does not always seem to have complied with regulations french 18th century bureau cabinet . Of his own regiment, the Royal Foresters, Hinde says: `Their Swords were remarkably Long, and quite straight’ makers of 1940’s american art deco furniture .
Farriers did not carry swords antique fold over table . According to Hinde: ‘They carry an Ax at their Left Side in a Belt of the same Colour of the Mens over the Right Shoulder, and a White Apron rolled back on their Left Side jupe patent extending dining table . When the Men draw their Swords, the Farriers take their Axes from, their Sides, and place the Handle on their Right Thighs Advanced, with the Edge turned towards their Horses Heads; they might carry a Saw on their Right Sides, in a Belt over the Left Shoulder, and a Spade in a flat Bucket under the Right deco tub chair . Budget, like the Carbines coming under the Right Arm art deco antiques contemporary world paris .’
Captain Hinde’s remarks on weapons may be fittingly concluded with his method of preventing arms from rusting antique american empire card table with scroll feet . This is as follows:
` antique furniture empire chest of drawers .d Receipt to keep Zrms from Rust nouveau art draws .
‘One Ounce of Campshire to Two Pounds of Hogs-Lard, Dissolve them together and take off the Scum; Mix as much Black-Lead as will bring them to an Iron Colour: Rub your Arms over with this, and let it lie on Twenty-four Hours, then Clean them as well as possible with a Linen Cloth, and they will keep without the least Rust for Six Months fold over tea table .’
The Royal Warrant of 1768, which dealt in detail with the clothing and equipment of the Army, made some attempt to secure reasonable uniformity in swords value staffordshire engine turned redware teapots 18th century . It laid down that the swords of each regiment were to be uniform and proscribed patterns and colours for sword-knots, belts, etc 19th century antique hall table ., and gold or silver coloured metal for hilt and scabbard appointments, according to the colour of the buttons old fashioned table brass metal claw feet on casters .
As regards the rank and file of the infantry the Warrant recognized what was practically a fait accompli empire card table . It said:
‘SWORDS antique card table withe one flap .
`All the Serjeants of the Regiment, and the whole Grenadier Company, to have swords spanish table antique turned legs . The Corporals and Private Men of the Battalion Companies (excepting the Regiment of Royal Highlanders) to have no Swords 16th century english joyned table .’
The Royal Highlanders (42nd Foot, or Black Watch) were presumably excepted because, like the Grenadiers, they wore the broadsword with basket hilt chippendale pinecone . The privilege was not appreciated, however, and the 42nd got into hot water for discarding their swords on the pretext that bayonets had proved far more useful in the American War 18th century antique gate leg table . However, the 42nd’s opinion of infantry swords seems to have received support from senior officers with war experience, for in 1783 they were given permission to return their swords to store french cabriole leg tracing pattern . The following year a Board of General Officers, which had been established to examine the soldier’s equipment in the light of the war in America, reported that Grenadiers had never worn their swords in action and recommended their abolition 19 century mahogany gateleg table . As a result swords were abolished throughout the infantry for all rank and file except drummers antique pottey work table . For these latter, the Royal Warrant of 1768 had specified ‘a short sword with a scimitar blade’; which was, in point of fact, a hanger vintage cherry table with queen ann legs .
Somewhat paradoxically the sword was about to become the principal weapon of the infantry officer at about the same time as it was being withdrawn from the remaining rank and file maurice dufrene, design .
The changes in officers’ shaft weapons is somewhat complicated 18th century occasional table . At the beginning of the eighteenth century captains and lieutenants of infantry had pikes and ensigns find 1954 crystal green tinted wine glasses . half-pikes telescopic table pedestal . In 1710, or thereabouts, captains reverted to the spontoon yuan muhammadan blue . At possibly the same time the lieutenant’s weapon was changed to a half-pike antique hanging corner display cabinet . In 1743 all officers of foot were directed to carry spontoons s s meissen mark . The spontoon was then the infantry officer’s principal weapon; but not, it seems, a very popular one gabriel viardot . That some difficulty was experienced in making officers carry it is shown by the following extract from an order book of the Brigade of Guards stationed in Germany in 1761-2:
`28th April rectangular table dressing . Colonel Thomas having remarked that the use of the espontoon is grown into a kind of disuse amongst the Officers of late, the naked sword or firelock being substituted in its room (a liberty which never used or ought to be allowed but upon emergencies), desires it may be resumed on all occasions in the Coldstream Battalion when it used to be!
The carrying of a ‘firelock’ was an adoption of the practice in Grenadier companies where all officers carried a light flintlock, generally a privately purchased weapon staffordshire figure prince “zebra” .
The American war finally dealt the death blow to the officer’s spontoon antique vargueno . Of the 63rd Foot in 1784, for instance, the Inspecting General commented: ‘Just arrived from America, where the officers never made use of espontoons; saluted with swords’ antique buffet sideboard signed by cabinet maker . Two years later the carrying of spontoons by infantry officers was abolished century pembroke .
Serjeants carried halberds for practically the whole of the eighteenth century, but in 1792 they were directed to carry pikes instead scandinavian aesthetic . This order did not in the first instance 1940’s mahogany dining chairs .apply to serjeants of Grenadier and Fusilier companies who, like the officers, carried flintlocks, but later in the same year they too were ordered to carry pikes meissen porcelain bronze . Serjeants of Light companies, who also carried flintlocks, were permitted to continue to do so english ironstone pottery ltd .

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Jul 6

Nevertheless Henry did his best to ensure that, in spite of the increasing use of firearms, there should remain a large reserve of trained archers in the country from whom he could raise the bulk of his infantry in the event of war. In a new statute of 154:1 the vast majority of the male population between the ages of seventeen and -sixty were required to exercise themselves in archery and to be in possession of a bow and arrows. This was an even wider age limit than was laid down in the statute of 1511. At the same time the use of firearms was limited to certain persons and occasions as follows: ‘It shall be lawful, from henceforth, to all gentlemen yeomen, and servingmen of every lord, spiritual and temporal, and of all knights, esquires, and gentlemen, and to all the inhabitants of cities, boroughs, and market towns, of this Realm of England, to shoot with any hand-gun, demihake, or hagbut, at any butt or bank of earth, only in places convenient for the same: so that every such hand-gun, etcetera, be of the several lengths aforesaid, and not under. And that it shall be lawful, to every of the said lord and lords, knights, esquires, and gentlemen, and the inhabitants of every city, borough, and market town, to have and keep in every of their houses such hand-gun or hand-guns, of the length of one whole yard, and not under, to the intent to use and shoot in the same, at a butt or bank of earth only, as is above said, whereby they and every one of them, by the exercise thereof, in form above said, may the better aid and assist in the defense of this realm, when need shall require.’
There were many to lament the passing of the bow. In 1549 Bishop Latimer, preaching before Edward VI, denounced the vices of the age, and advocated, as a method of combating

FiG. 22. ARBALESTIERS.
The process of loadin,-, is clearly shown. Note the use of the windlass.
them, a return to the noble and manly pastimes which had been practised in his youth. He said: ‘In my time my poore father was as diligent to teach me to shoote as to learn *  me any other thing; and so I think other men did their children. He taught me how to draw, how to lay my body in my bow, and not to draw with strength of arms, as other nations doe, but with strength of the body. I had my bowes bought me according to my age and strength, as I increased in them, so my bowes were made bigger and bigger, for men shall never shoot well except they be brought up in it. It is a goodlie art, a wholesome kind of exercise, and much commended in phisicke. As late as z 55 there is a record in the Venetian State Papers of an appreciation of the English archers by one Giovanni Michele. He says: ‘. . . they, to say the truth; being. most expqrt archers, so that they would not yield to any other people more trained and experienced then they are; and such is their opinion of archery and their esteem of it, that they doubtless prefer it to all sorts of arms, and to harquebuses, in which they trust less, feeling more sure of their bows and arrows; contrary, however, to the judgement of the captains and soldiers of other nations. They draw the bow with such force and dexterity at the same time, that some are said to pierce corslets and body-armour; r; and there are few among them, even those that are moderately practised, who will not undertake at a convenient distance, either aiming point-blank, or in the air (as they generally do, that the arrow may fly further), to hit within an inch and a half of the mark.’    With moulinet or windlass.
The cross-bow was a mechanical
version of the bow, which was far more popular than the latter on the continent of Europe, but which was little used in England. It had neither the range nor speed of discharge of the long bow, but, on the other  hand, comparatively little training was required to enable a soldier to handle it reasonably effectively.
There were two kinds of cross-bow: the arbalest, which was a heavy weapon, and the latch, which was much the lighter, and the more popular in England. The bow of the arbalest was generally of steel. This was strained by means of a small windlass, which fitted on to the end of the butt, and wound up a .tackle which was hooked on to the bow-string. At the foremost end of the arbalest was a stirrup which rested on the ground during this operation, and in which the foot was placed to hold the weapon steady. The windlass and tackle when not in use were carried slung from the waist belt. The arbalest was held in tension, and the bow released by means of a ‘lock’. The early cross-bow locks varied considerably in design. They were not built up on a plate like a gun-lock, but consisted of mutually independent levers set on
FIG. 26. A LATCH.
Elizabeth I.
to the tiller or stock. The lever pivots were pins which passed through the stock from one side to the other. In the sixteenth century the type of lock was introduced which was to be used for many centuries on firearms. In this the mechanism was built on to a plate which was fixed to the stock. The release was actuated by a ‘tricker’, or hair trigger.
The latch was a much lighter weapon, and it was bent by a windlass of much simpler form than that employed for the arbalest. This was the ‘goat’s foot’ lever which worked by means of a cog and ratchet.
The early firearms were more useful for their moral effect than for any damage that they caused; and throughout the mediaeval period the personal, or hand, firearm played a sub-sidiary r6le. The noise and smoke were most impressive; and in the earliest and most inaccurate days there was, from the user’s point of view, a comforting theory that the wounds they caused were poisonous and incurable. Soldiers armed with
FiG. 27. LATCH.
Elizabeth I.
hand-guns would, indeed, need some comfort, for they must have been fearsome weapons to fire, and the observable results extremely disappointing.
0
Hand-auns of sorts were in use in the fourteenth century,  for Froissart mentions their use in an English force commanded by Sir John Chandos in 1369. These were probably very small weapons mounted on the end of a long shaft; for a bill submitted a few years later by William de Sleaforde, Keeper of the Privy Purse, includes the sum of thirteen shillings for fitting eight guns with helves, in the same manner as pikes. The helve, or shaft, was used to give support to the gun, and was generally stuck into the ground at a low angle. To give horizontal fire it might be hooked on to a wall or tree, the front
end being supported by a forked    FIG. 30. A HAND-GUN. rest. The charge was generally
ignited by inserting a red-hot wire through the touch-hole.
In a MS. which is in the British Museum, there is the figure of a soldier firing a hand-gun of a very early form. The MS. is marked `Royal, 15 E IV’, but it is dedicated to Edward V, and must presumably have been completed in 1485. The gun has no stock and is rested on top of the shoulder. It is being fired by applying-a match to the touch-hole, which is on top of the piece. From the attitude of the soldier it looks as if the gun, in its recoil, is likely to prove a far more dangerous weapon to himself than it is to any conceivable enemy This type of gun was, however, already out of date at the time the book was written. The first improvement seems to have been made during the reign of Henry VI, when the touchhole was moved to the side of the barrel, and a pan was secured below the touch-hole to hold the priming powder. Some of
FIG- 32. A HAND-GUN OF 1468.
these guns were turned into dual-purpose weapons by fixing an axe-head to the rear end. By the last quarter of the fifteenth century stocks were being fitted, which enabled the- gun to be held much more firmly and gave the firer some chance of dispatching his bullet in a generally appropriate direction. The butt was, however, held more often between elbow and body than it was into the shoulder. The final improvement to the hand-gun proper was the addition of a cover to the pan to prevent the powder being blown away by the wind.
The match, which replaced the original hot wire, was of cord or similar material which had been soaked in saltpetre or lees of wine. Thus treated, it burnt slowly and was not easily extinguished by inclement weather.
FIG- 33. A HAND-GUN WITH A STOCK.
Although the term ‘hand-gun’ was used to denote a personal firearm until the middle of the sixteenth century, the original crude weapon was replaced by the genesis of the matchlock, when mechanical means were introduced to apply the match to the priming pan about the first quarter of the fifteenth century. This innovation resulted in an enormous improvement in the accuracy of shooting; for the firer could now hold his weapon with both hands, instead of requiring one hand free to apply the loose match. The match was held in a pair of metal jaws, which were brought down on -to the priming pan by raising a long pivoted lever which extended towards the butt. The match holder was called a ‘dog’, ’serpentine’ or ‘dragon’ from its fancied resemblance to these animals.
The matchlock proper was an improvement on the above mechanism, which was now embodied in a ‘lock’. The match was held in the forked holder, or ’serpentine’, by a
FIG. 34. A CALIVER-MAN.
From the Roll of the Funeral of Sir Philip Sydney, 1586.
thumb screw. Linked to the serpentine was a lever, or ’scear’,
which was pivoted inside the lock plate. Raising the rear end
of the scear swung the serpentine over to the flash-pan. The
scear was actuated by a long trigger, similar in form to that of a
cross-bow, which was screwed to its rear end. A scear springwas
fixed inside the lock plate which pressed against the forward
end of the scear, so keeping the lighted match clear of the pan
until the trigger was pressed. The flash-pan was secured to the breech, and was closed by a hinged pan cover. This was always kept closed until the weapon was about to be fired.
The matchlock mechanism was probably suggested by that of the cross-bow. The firearms first fitted with this lock were called ‘arquebuses’; and it has been suggested that the term
FIG. 35. A MUSQUFTUR.
From the. Poll of the Fuxeral of Sir Philip Sydney, r536.
`arquebus’ referred to the lock, and was a corruption of the Italian arcabouza, or ‘bow with a mouth’. When, the first regular unit of English troops, the Yeomen of the Guard, was formed after Henry VII’s victory at Bosworth, one-half of the men were armed with bows and the other half with arquebuses. Of the two the archers were the more-formidable. The effective range of these early arquebuses was only about fifty yards, and they were probably incapable of killing a. man at a greater distance than ioo yards. On the other hand, it was not considered permissible for a fully trained archer to practise at the butts at a shorter range than 22o yards. In addition the archer could shoot six arrows to one shot of the arquebusier. As has already been pointed out, however, it took far less time to train an arquebusier than an archer.
The preparation of the matchlock for firing was, indeed, an appallingly slow business. The procedure for reloading was as follows:
(a) The match, which was lighted at both ends, was removed from the serpentine.
FiG. 36. AN ENGLTSTI MUSQUET.
Elizabeth I.
(b) A charge of powder was measured out from-the powder flask. This was done by reversing the flask and pressing a catch, which allowed the powder to flow into the nozzle of the flask, at the same time stopping up the mouth with a finger. When the nozzle was full the catch was released, this being the requisite charge of powder.
(c) The charge of powder was poured into the barrel.
(d) A bullet was extracted from the pouch and put down the barrel on top of the powder.
(e) A wad of rag, paper or tow was inserted in ‘the barrel and rammed down on top of bullet and powder.
(f) The flash-pan was filled with fine-grained powder from the ‘touch-box’; the cover closed and surplus powder blown away.

(g) The match was put back into the serpentine and adjusted for length. (Adjustments to the match had to be made frequently, or it burnt down too close to the serpentine and went out. The lighted free end was then used to relight the serpentine end.)
The original matchlock arquebus was froze to 31 feet in length overall, with a very short and sharply curved stock. This was intended to be supported against the chest rather than the shoulder. The barrel length was from 24 to 30
FIG- 37. THE HARQUEBUS.
Top: An Harquebus with a Trigger (Henry VIII).
Bottom: The Lock of an Harquebus of a later date with its Serpentine.
inches, and the bore between 20 and 30 (i.e. the number of bullets to the pound).
The different terms used for early firearms are extremely confusing; for not only were different names sometimes applied to the same weapon, but also with the passage of years a name often came to mean something entirely different from its original usage. Thus, ‘arquebus’ and ‘matchlock’ were originally synonymous; but in later years `arquebus’ denoted any light firearm which could be discharged from the breast or shoulder without the use of a rest. Again, ‘hacquebut’ or ‘hakbut’ (and many other spellings) was often used as an alternative to ‘arquebus’, but in earlier times it referred to a firearm with a very curved stock which brought the Ibarrel to eye level. Smaller versions were known as ‘dcmi-hags’ or `half-hackbuts’, and were really a form of pistol.
The introduction of the matchlock marks the close of the
FIG. 38. A D.ENII-FIAG.
mediaeval period, and the approaching end of the superiority of shock weapons. The increasing efficiency of firearms was to result, soon, in the virtual disappearance of armour from the battlefield, and by the latter years of the sixteenth century the bullet had established equality with cold steel.

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Jul 6

This is the story of the weapons used by the British soldier throughout the ages, and the many developments in personal arms during the course of history, and the reasons which influenced their design. It starts at the Battle of Hastings in which the seeds of the British army were sown, and it ends with the short magazine Lee-Enfield rifle which served the British Army through half a century and two world wars.
It is interesting to learn that in the days of chivalry the weapons of the aspirant to the order of Knighthood were placed at the altar and were never to be used save in defence of honour, virtue and justice. The hilt of his sword was the emblem of Christianity, and to this day the pressure of his lips on the Cross is commemorated in the officer’s salute. It is facts such as these which help to explain the fascination which hand weapons have for so many.
From military arms have descended their counterparts in the chase, in sporting combat and on the range. These too form an interesting study, both in the multiplicity of their design and types, far exceeding the recognized weapons of war.
The craftsmanship shown in the manufacture of these weapons, of which many fine examples are illustrated in this volume, will appeal to both the connoisseur and the collector, besides the fascinating story of how they came into use.

During his long vigil through the hours of darkness the weapons of the aspirant to the order of knighthood were placed at the altar. He was taught that these weapons must never be used save in the defence of honour, virtue and justice. The hilt of his sword was formed in the shape of the emblem of Christianity; and to this day the pressure of his lips on the Cross, as he draws his sword, is commemorated in the Officer’s salute.
It seems probable that it is this tradition of the higher symbolism of weapons that has been largely responsible for the care and attention which, throughout his history, the British soldier has been exhorted to bestow upon his personal arms.
It is no doubt the glamour of ancient chivalry which explains in part the fascination which hand weapons have for so many. This is not, of course, the sole reason. The skill and craftsmanship so often shown in their manufacture, and the fact that they are of a convenient size for handling and display, invite the attention of the collector.
From military arms have descended their counterparts in the chase, in sporting combat and on the range. These too form an attractive study, but in the multiplicity of their type and design they exceed by far the authorized weapons of war; and to deal with them adequately would be beyond the scope of any one book.
This, then, is the story of the weapons which have been used by British fighting men, and of such developments which have influenced their design. It starts, since it must start somewhere, at the Battle of Hastings, in which the seeds of an eventual British Army were sown; and it ends with the supersession of the Short Magazine Lee-Enfield rifle, which served the British Army through half a century and two World Wars.

If one takes the battle of Hastings as a starting-point in a history of weapons, one must logically start with the bill; for this was the principal weapon of the armies of the Saxon kings. It consisted of a heavy axe-type blade, sometimes hooked or curved, set at the end of a long staff or handle. It was wielded with both hands as an axe, and a trained man became remark-7 ably skilled in its use. Few troops could face the steel wall of
FIG. I. SAXON BILLS.
the English household infantry with its line of flashing and cleaving bills. Even the Normans failed to break them by direct shock attack; and to the last they remained formidable as they died in compact groups round their fallen King.
William the Conqueror was too able a soldier to contemplate changing the infantry weapon of his new subjects, and the bill remained as one of the principal arms of the English foot soldier for many centuries after the Conquest. In any riot or tumult in mediaeval times the cry would be heard of, ‘Bills and Bows I Bills and Bows V
FIG. 2. TnE BOAR SPEAR. From ajourtrenth-centuiy MS.
It was not until the introduction of the pike in the fifteenth century that the bill began to lose its pre-eminent place as the infantry shock weapon. Even then it was by no means
0
Ij
FIG. 3. THE SPEAR IN BOAR HUNTING.
From the Cotton MS., ninth century.
replaced, for the Italian Daniel Barbaro, writing in ISS 1, notes the billmen as one of the elements of the’ English infantry. He says that their weapon was ‘a short thick staff, with an iron, like a peasant’s hedging bill…. With this, they strike so violently as to unhorse the cavalry; and it is made short because they like close quarters.’
As late as 1584 there were still a substantial number of billmen in the English forces; for a muster of the troops oil the Scottish border showed that out of about 7400 infantry, 2500 were armed with bills.
From the Bayeux Tapestry it will be seen that both sides at the battle of Hastings were armed with shafted weapons which
FiG. 4. Baas.
Left to right -. Henry IV, Edward IV, Henry VII, Elizabeth I,
Seventeenth century.
appear to be of identical design and something of a cross between lance and javelin; for they are depicted as used by both horse and foot for either throwing or overhand thrusting, and by the mounted knights in the ordinary fashion of a lance.
The spear had been used from very early times in these islands, and it had always formed part of the equipment of the Anglo-Saxon forces. At the time of the Norman invasion it was carried by the English household troops, probably as a secondary weapon, for use either in close combat or to be hurled as a javelin. In defence the latter method was the more likely, in order to break up the ranks of the attackers before they came to close contact with the steel wall and its formidable bills
The early Norman lance was of light construction and very similar to the Saxon spear. It underwent little change during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, though it may have been lengthened and -was probably eventually about thirteen or fourteen feet. The shaft was originally of ash, but in Chaucer’s day it seems to have been more commonly made of cypress wood. In the fourteenth century some protection was given

FIG. 5. SPEAR & LANCE HEADS.

1-3, British, 4-8, Anglo-Saxon, Norman; 9 & io, Fifteenth century;
i i & 12, Sixteenth century.
to the hand by fixing a small round plate (the ‘vam-plate’) to the shaft. In the fifteenth century the shaft of the lance was tapered. Instead of being comparatively narrow and of the same thickness throughout, it was increased in diameter from the point downward and a grip was made for the hand. Towards the end of the century, in the time of Edward IV, the shaft was fluted and the butt ends were shaped to various designs. The fourteenth-century tilting lance was extremely thick and was frequently painted spirally with the distinctive colours of its bearer.

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Jun 30

ARMOURED BALANCE IN 1939 BEFORE WWII

German, French, British, Americand and Russian Tanks and Weapons Before WWII in 1939

The tank was to be decisive in the coming campaign.
But the Germans did not have more or even markedly
better tanks than the Allies. They just used
them more imaginatively
Although the end of the First World War in November 1918 seemed outwardly to symbolise an Allied victory and total defeat for the German army, it did not in fact reflect the real balance of fighting power at the front nor illustrate the state which the revolution in warfare had reached. For in the last months of that war the Germans were still retiring in good order towards their homeland. Indeed they were beginning to stabilise the front as the offensive power of the Allied armies declined as a result of their losses and of the difficulties they were experiencing in maintaining men and material at increasing distances from their bases. Indeed, it was becoming progressively harder to drive the war-winning weapons –artillery and tanks –to the front, and there maintain them to fight in mass. And without their presence a relatively thin screen of machine-gunners could delay and hold up infantry and cavalry for sufficiently long to enable successive lines of defence to be prepared in the rear. By the beginning of November 1918, the Allied progress was getting slower and more feeble.
Yet the turning point had come in August and September when the defeats inflicted on the Germans signalised the failure of their own offensive, and underlined the war-weariness of the nation and army. The most decisive of these defeats occurred at Amiens on August 8, 1918, when 430 British tanks –in conjunction with cavalry and infantry –broke through the German lines, and thus convinced General Ludendorff, the controller of the German military machine, that the war had to be ended. The British tanks, fighting in close co-operation with the cavalry and infantry, did not penetrate much deeper than the forward German defences, but their employment in such numbers, carrying them forward 5 miles in one day, administered a shock to the German soldiers and their leader from which they did not fully recover.
The tanks of 1918 were neither fast enough nor sufficiently reliable to break through the enemy lines and then penetrate
deep into his rearmost tactical areas. But the tanks under construction for use in 1919 were meant to be capable of doing this very thing, and the Allied plans for that year were based on this kind of strategy. Against these new, faster, and more reliable machines, the Germans would have only been able to deploy conventional artillery, a number of inefficient light anti-tank rifles, and a few clumsy tanks of their own.
For Ludendorff had rejected tanks, thinking it unlikely that the early, slow, clumsy vehicles would ever become viable weapons of war. Anyway, when given new machines, armies take a long time to acquire the techniques necessary to keep them running and to use them to their best effect, so the lead which the Allies had built in two years could not be overtaken in a few months.
Atrophy
Thus the First World War ended at a moment when victory in the field was not clear-cut and its causes not sharply delineated. Many Germans were in no doubt that the surprise use of tanks, in large numbers in the least-expected sectors, had been a paramount factor in their defeat. General von Kuhl, who had been a staff officer in the army group attacked and defeated at Amiens, wrote ten years after the event that, in achieving surprise, the most important and decisive factor had been the tanks.
But the Allies were not similarly convinced and, gripped by inertia linked to their own war-weariness, were content to allow their military thinking to atrophy after 1918. As for the French, for over 20 years they persisted in a policy that compelled tanks to act merely as an adjunct to infantry on the one hand, and as a substitute for cavalry in the scouting role on the other. They envisaged all offensive operations taking place in a manner similar to those of 1918, and so locked themselves behind the fortifications of the Maginot Line, developing a purely defensive mentality. They could not believe that a war of manoeuvre fought by tank
armies would take place on their soil. Their tanks were therefore organised into battalions, the bulk of them (33 of between 45 and 60 tanks each) ordained to work in small groups in conjunction with infantry divisions.
The experiments carried out by the French army, starting in 1932, were based on their existing cavalry divisions. There evolved from these experiments three light mechanised divisions –with a fourth being formed in May 1940–each with 220 tanks, armoured cars, and a brigade of infantry. But this well-balanced force the French threatened to squander because the old cavalry doctrine dictated that it should be employed as a dispersed screen, or advance guard, ahead of the Allied armies when these advanced beyond the frontier to meet the Germans in Belgium.
After the destruction of the Polish army in September 1939, largely as the result of action by German tanks in conjunction with aircraft, the French hastily began to form four new tank divisions in which the machines were heavy ones and the infantry few in proportion to tanks. These were still not proper armoured divisions: their envisaged role was to breach a front through which other conventional formations could pass. They were thus merely an extension of the policy which tied tanks to infantry, and were not conceived as a balanced formation capable of driving deep into the enemy rear to strike at his nerve centres and his supplies–the very heart of his war-making capacity.
The British did not suffer from the same stagnation as the French, but in 1918 the nation that told itself that it had won the war, also persuaded itself that it could rest on its laurels. The heavy losses of tanks in the last few months of the First World War made a case for those who argued that the machine could not replace the horse as the agent of the decisive, mobile arm; the sentiment generated by a lifetime’s comradeship with the horse was strong–and so rejected change. Moreover, the formidable bills incurred in the manufacture and running of tanks, when presented to taxpayers who had had enough of war, were striking deterrents to new construction and expansion.
The ‘Tank Idea’
Nevertheless, real progress was made in Britain. The discovery that tanks and armoured cars offered a cheaper and better way of policing the more turbulent parts of the Empire encouraged experiment. And the persistence of a few enthusiasts projected the ‘Tank Idea’ as an element in warfare that intruded beyond the tactical battle into the realms of strategic decision. The names of Captain Liddell Hart, Generals Fuller, Lindsay, Broad, Pile, Hobart, and Martel appear at the head of the short list of pioneers who envisaged armoured forces becoming the decisive element in war, as well as being a straightforward economy of force when compared with the old horse and foot armies.
These men designed and trained tank units and formations that were unique both in their concept and technical proficiency. By the end of 1934, Hobart, as commander of the 1st Tank Brigade, had conclusively underlined what Broad and Pile had demonstrated in earlier years, namely that a mobile tank force could out-manoeuvre conventional forces by advances of prodigious length. And they showed that tanks could dominate the infantry of the day. These men were not dreamers. They were practical soldiers who based their judgements on the bitter experience gained by witnessing four years of slaughter during the First World War. They were often impatient with those who could not or would not understand, and who, by their slowness of mind, could not keep up with the pace demanded by mechanised forces.
Hobart, above all, with a ruthless driving force that he used to push his ideas ahead, would not permit the speed demanded by tank action to be slowed down by artillery, cavalry, and infantry units that were unable to keep up with his machines and their tempo of operation. By his requests for outstanding efficiency and speed, he frightened his more conventionally minded colleagues.
Eventually, there came about a reaction, accusing Hobart of demanding an all-tank army to the exclusion of the traditional arms. This was not entirely justified, since Hobart and his staff are clearly on record as having said they wanted infantry and artillery suitably mounted in armoured vehicles to go with their tanks; but the impression had been given they wanted an army based on armour, and the forces of reaction were quick to seize on this for use as a brake on the progress of the tank enthusiasts.
The traditionalists were also successful in acquiring political support; the Financial Secretary to the War Office, Duff Cooper,
stated in Parliament in 1934: ‘The more I study them [military affairs] the more I become impressed by the importance of [horsed] cavalry in modern warfare.’ In 1935 Duff Cooper became Secretary of State for War.
The traditionalists also insisted that some tanks should be designed and set aside for work in conjunction with the infantry, rather in the manner of the French. Thus Britain began to develop armoured forces of two kinds: the fast moving, all-arms groups, that were the genesis of future armoured divisions; and tank battalions designed for infantry work, equipped with so-called `I’ tanks.
But by investigating the entirely new problems inherent in mechanised forces, the British did train a small cadre of experts whose knowledge and experience were to be invaluable when war, and the need to expand, came. On the other hand, when at last, and too late, it was decided in 1937 to give tanks to a large number of cavalry regiments —instead of expanding the existing Tank Corps — another temporary brake was placed on improvements in quantity and quality at a moment when time was short in the race to catch up with German rearmament. Thus only a small proportion of the British tank units that went to war in May 1940 were experienced and imbued with an insight into mechanised warfare.
Of the British armoured forces ready for action in Europe in May 1940, there was only one armoured division and this was still training in England. In France there was a formation known as the 1st Army Tank Brigade comprising two battalions of the new ‘1′ tanks designed for close co-operation with the infantry. Of these units —the 4th and 7th Battalions, Royal Tank Regiment—the latter arrived in France on May 1 and was not as well-trained as the 4th. In addition there were with the BEF seven cavalry light armoured regiments mounted in light tanks: Their tasks of reconnaissance and co-operation with the infantry divisions were akin to the traditional cavalry role.
German enthusiasm
The restraints imposed on the French and British after 1918 were totally different from those imposed on the Germans. Because the Treaty of Versailles forbade Germany to have her own tanks, she was reduced to carrying out a few sporadic and subversive experiments, mostly under cover in Russia. But because the Germans had been defeated, as they thought, by the tank as much as any other weapon, they were more anxious than anything else to acquire knowledge of mechanised armoured forces. The same traditional reactions that beset the British innovators held back the progressive German soldiers too, but with the advent of Hitler the political atmosphere became the reverse of Britain’s.
As he cast aside the restrictions of Versailles, Hitler gave his enthusiastic backing to the soldiers whose ideas and experience were devoted to tanks. Those generals who had been associated with the early tank investigations — Guderian, Thoma, Lutz, Brauchitsch, Blomberg, and Reichenauwere now brought to the fore.
These men possessed imagination and insight, the appreciation of the strategic and psychological effect of deep thrusts, and the zest for speed and decision demanded by the nature of armoured operations. They were unanimous and generous in their acknowledgement of the profit they gained after studying, and often copying, the British experiments (Guderian is said to have toasted Hobart’s name in champagne after a successful German tank exercise before the war). They paid little attention to the French—not even to de Gaulle, who had published a short work on the ‘Army of the Future’. As a result, by 1936 the Germans were catching up fast in numbers and quality of machines, and had taken a clear lead in organisation and application over the British and the French, who two years before had been ahead in every department of armoured warfare.

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